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However, the demands
of the Unified Democratic Madheshi Forum (UDMF), a combination of the
four principal Madheshi parties – Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF),
Madheshi Janadhikar Forum-Loktantrik (MJF-L), Terai Madhesh Loktantrik
Party (TMLP) and Sadbhawana Party (SP) – remain unacceptable to each
of the national political formations. The 82-member alliance crucially
seeks complete regional autonomy and a single Madheshi provincial state
(ek Madhesh ek Pradesh), and an unambiguous ‘right to
self-determination’, in addition to specific commitments on the peace
process, the drafting of the Constitution, and implementation of past
agreements such as the bulk integration of Madheshi people in Security
institutions, as the price of its support to any Prime Ministerial
candidate.
On August 1, the NC
explicitly rejected the UDMF’s "ek Madhesh ek Pradesh"
demand and the condition of bulk integration of the Madheshi people into
security bodies, and sought further explanation on the proposed ‘right
to self-determination’. There is little movement in the UCPN-M and the
CPN-UML that would suggest that these demands may be acceptable to
either of these.
After the downfall of
the monarchy in April 2006, the Madheshi parties consolidated their
support in the extended south of the country, substantially curtailing
the influence of the Maoists, something that the other political parties
initially celebrated, since this was at least partly responsible for
denying the Maoists a majority in the Constituent Assembly (CA)
elections of April 10, 2008. The Madheshi parties claimed 82 seats in a
total of 599 in the CA, with 25 going to the MJF, 28 to the MJF-L, 20 to
TMLP, and nine to SP.
While the Madheshi
parties appear to have become much more central to any resolution of the
protracted crisis in Kathmandu, it is far from the case that they can
present any easy solution. Apart from their unbridgeable differences
with the national political parties, there is little internal coherence
even within the Madheshi groupings. There are, for instance, serious
divergences of opinions regarding the question of autonomy. While the
Upendra Yadav led MJF demands complete autonomy and freedom of the
region to determine its own destiny, armed groups like the Janatantrik
Terai Mukti Morcha-Goit (JTMM-G)
are raising the stakes to a claim of sovereignty. On July 14, 2007, the
‘commander’ of the JTMM-G, Jaikrishna Goit, had declared that his
group sought ‘sovereignty’ for Madhesh, because it was the most
exploited and colonised region in Nepal. Goit insisted that historical
wrongs could not be addressed unless the Madheshi people were completely
free to define their own future, and denounced groups like the MJF as
‘collaborators’ of Kathmandu, claiming that they would be bought off
with no more than tokenism.
Significantly, the
UDMF remained neutral in the first two rounds of the Prime Ministerial
elections held on July 21 and 23, on the grounds that they would
participate only if their demands were conceded by one of the
candidates. Their ranks were, however, split in the August 2 round of
the polls, when 11 members of the MJF, defying a party whip, voted for
the Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda, in a body
blow to the group’s solidarity.
Reports suggest that,
on August 2, just before the third round of the elections the UDMF had a
central committee meeting, which discussed the issue of "ek
Madhesh ek Pradesh". The MJF, on its part, was urging the other
UDMF constituents to be flexible on this issue, giving the CA the final
right to decide on it. A party release stated: "The demand is
negotiable and open to discussion. We don’t want to hamper Government
formation by forwarding such a complicated issue." Reacting to the
MJF statement, MJF-L chief whip, Ram Janam Chaudhary, observed that it
was high time to bargain with the parties over their demand for a single
Madheshi province: "We are in the process of Constitution drafting
rather than only forming a Government, so we should stick to the
demand."
Meanwhile, reports
indicate that there are at least 30 underground militant
groups operating in the 20 Districts of the Madhesh
region. These armed groups remain a very real threat to any political
accord in the region, and have resisted every effort to secure a
permanent peace. Indeed, one of the prominent armed formations, the
Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha-Rajan (JTMM-R), on July 31, 2010, issued
a 72-hour ultimatum to all Madhesh-based party leaders to resign from
their posts, and to participate in the Samyukta Madhesh Mukti Aandolan (SMMA,
the Unified Madhesh Freedom Movement). The JTMM-R ‘chairman and
supreme commander’, Rajan Mukti, warned the Madheshi leaders not to
support, assist, or protect any Government that may be formed under the
leadership of a Nepali speaking leader. He also warned of ‘physical
action’ against anyone who failed to comply with, or who went against,
the terms of the ultimatum. ‘Physical action’ would also be taken
against the Madhesh-based party leaders who participated in the
‘drama’ of Government formation, which was going on in the
Legislature-Parliament, the JTMM-R threatened, further. Similarly, on
August 5, another armed group, the Janatantrik Terai Madhesh Mukti Party
(JTMMP), threatened action against the 11 MJF members who had defied the
MJF’s directives and voted for Maoist Chairman Dahal, in the third
round of the Prime Ministerial elections.
The trust deficit in
the wider Nepali polity appears to have been replicated in politics of
the ‘peripheral’ Madhesh region. While the national parties find
themselves increasingly dependent on Madheshi support, the lack of
consensus between the Madheshi parties and the proliferation of armed
groupings has robbed the Madhesh lobby of any capacity to cash in on the
power that has been yielded to them as a result of the political flux in
Kathmandu. Barring a complete surprise, there appears to be little in
all this that promises any breakthrough in the next round of Prime
Ministerial elections scheduled for August 18. The weak, it seems, have
found a voice; but don’t appear to be particularly sure about what
they want to say.
[South
Asia Intelligent Review]
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