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In the first round of
the election on July, 21, UCPN-M chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka
Prachanda, Nepali Congress (NC) leader Rama Chandra Poudel and CPN-UML
General Secretary Jhala Nath Khanal filed their nominations. The
election, however, ended in a deadlock, as neither of the final two
candidates – Prachanda and Poudel – could get the magic number of
401 out of a total strength of 599 in the House. Significantly, the CA
conducted voting on the nominations of the UCPN-M and the NC, since the
CPN-UML withdrew its candidature just minutes before the scheduled time
of election. The caretaker PM explained the decision to withdraw,
stating, "The UML withdrew the candidature as it could not receive
a written commitment of support from at least 401 members of Parliament
which makes a two third majority."
Of the 592 members
voting, Prachanda secured the support of 242, while 114 voted against
and 236 members remained neutral. In Poudel’s case, out of the 587
votes cast, 124 members voted in his favour , 235 members voted against,
and 228 remained neutral. The UCPN-M has a total strength of 238 members
in the Parliament while the NC has 114.
With no decision
possible on this outcome, the Chairman of the CA, Subash Nembang,
declared that a run-off election would be held on the July 23.
On July 23, even as
the process of the run-off elections was to start, Prachanda and Subash
Nembang held a flurry of meetings with fringe parties in a bid to secure
support for the Maoist candidate. Ironically, Prachanda also held a
separate meeting with the leaders of the pro-monarchy Rastriya
Prajatantra Party (RPP), seeking their support. He was also scheduled to
meet the Madhesh-based parties, but the meeting failed to materialise,
as the Madheshi leaders remained busy working out their common strategy.
Four Madheshi parties, under the umbrella of the United Democratic
Madhesi Front (UDMF), decided to list their conditions for support to
either candidate. These included an assurance that the new Constitution
would be drafted, that peace would be established, and Madheshi concerns
would be addressed.
The results of the
run-off elections, however, were almost a repetition of the earlier
round. Of the 572 votes cast for the UCPN-M, 241 voted in favour, 113
against, and 218 remained neutral. Of the 578 members participating in
the election process of the NC, 123 voted in favour, 241 against, and
214 remained neutral. Meanwhile, the Business Advisory Committee (BAC)
of the Legislature-Parliament on July 23 itself decided to hold a second
run-off election on August 2.
Given the prevailing
political situation, any possibilities of a positive outcome in the next
run-off are remote, even as each political party continues to contribute
to the deadlock in Nepal. The CPN-UML remains determined not to take
part in the elections as long as it is not assured of a clear outcome.
On July 23, CPN-UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari announced that his
party would not take part in the election until there is confirmation
that it would ensure "a national consensus Government". The
UML, moreover, is also not particularly keen on an alliance with the
Nepali Congress (NC), with whose support it remained in office for
little more than a year. During its year in office, the CPN-UML failed
to garner the confidence and support of its 22 coalition partners. The
chances of forming a national consensus Government – what the UML is
looking for – are consequently bleak at the present juncture.
The NC has its own
problems, and there has been crisis of leadership since the death of
Girija Prasad Koirala. While some of its members support the CPN-UML,
others insist on an ‘independent’ line. In an effort to break the
deadlock, Sujata Koirala, Deputy Prime Minister in the caretaker
Government and NC leader, said, on July 22, that the parties should
trust the Maoists and that she had no problem with a Maoist-led
Government. On July 30, she went on to say that the NC was ready to
withdraw its candidate from the race for the Prime Minister’s post.
However, the prospects
of the NC and UCPN-M reaching the magic number are also bleak, as it is
near impossible for them to get the support of the Madhesh based
parties, who have 83 members in the Constituent Assembly, and have
become even more demanding on a special status to the Madhesh region.
Notably, the UDMF has asked for a written commitment from both NC and
UCPN-M on the issue. Though the UCPN-M, on July 29, agreed to give a
written commitment to the UDMF, it does not support the core demand of
"ek Madhesh ek Pradesh" (One Madhesh, one Provincial State).
Compounding issues
further, is the question of integration of Maoist armed cadres with the
Nepal Army. Even as electoral uncertainties mounted, the Vice Chairman
of the UCPN-M Baburam Bhattarai declared, on July 29, that his party was
‘ready to finish the important task’ of integration and
rehabilitation of Maoist combatants, by separating those among them who
want to be integrated into the State Security Forces and those who do
not. He also said that this would be done by bringing the Maoist
combatants under the Army Integration Special Committee. It is, however,
clearly understood that this statement was only intended to secure the
support of the other political parties for the August 2 elections. The
Maoists have demonstrated an increasing obsession with the being in
power and, while they speak of the formation of a "national
Government" or "unity Government", they have failed to
evolve a basic and mutual understanding with the NC and CPN-UML on the
writing of the Constitution. It is significant that, when they decided
to support the CPN-UML candidate Jhala Nath Khanal in the First run-off
election on July 23, they chose to keep their own candidature unchanged
at the same time.
There is no chance of
a new candidate emerging to strike a balance among the political
parties, since the Parliament Rules of Procedures, 2008, bar the entry
of new candidates in run-off elections, even where contestants from
previous rounds fail to secure a majority.
In the five years
since the peace process was initiated in 2006, Nepal has had two
different Governments under two different political parties. The UCPN-M
led Government, headed by Pushpa Kamal Dahal as Prime Minister remained
in the office from August 18, 2008, to May 4, 2009, while the CPN-UML
led Government under Prime Ministership Madhav Kumar Nepal presided
between May 23, 2009, and June 30, 2010.
The continuing
uncertainty over elections, the deadlock in the Constitution-drafting
process, the absence of progress on critical outstanding issues,
including the integration of Maoist armed cadres, the simmering
difficulties in the Madhesh, and the intensifying cycles of disruptive
strikes and street demonstrations, are all combined in a deeply
unsettling scenario in Nepal. The country has learnt to live in a state
of permanent crisis, but unless some political breakthrough is devised,
there is a rising danger that things may worsen dramatically, as one or
the other player finds brinkmanship more seductive than the wearing
tasks of building a consensus between myopic, fractious and
irreconcilable political parties.
[South
Asia Intelligent Review]
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