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SOUTH ASIA: BANGLADESH News Briefs |
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''If you are a soldier, a member of the Rapid Action Battalion or the intelligence services, or a police officer, you can get away with murder in Bangladesh'', said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. ''But those who kill or torture should be behind bars with other violent criminals''. Over the past five years, the military, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) — an elite crime-fighting force — and the police have been responsible for well over 1,000 killings. Human Rights Watch and others have long contended that many of these deaths, often described as ''crossfire killings'', were actually extrajudicial executions of people in custody. Bodies of the victims often had wounds that suggested that they had been tortured. While there have been far fewer extrajudicial killings since the new government took power in January 2009, new cases have begun to emerge in recent weeks and no one has been held accountable for past abuses. The report highlights the case of Choles Ritchil, a leader of the indigenous Mandi tribe, who was arrested and tortured to death by a group of soldiers in March 2007. It also describes how Khabirul Islam Dulal, a local politician in Bhola district, was tortured by navy officers in front of his family and neighbors a few weeks earlier. Although witnesses have identified suspects in both cases, no one has been prosecuted and imprisoned. ''The very forces tasked with upholding the law and providing security to the public have become well known for breaking the law in the gravest manner without ever facing any consequences'', Adams said. ''Forces such as RAB and the military intelligence agency DGFI have become symbols of abuse and impunity''. The
report concludes that Bangladeshi governments since independence in 1971
have been unwilling to prosecute and punish state officers responsible
for grave human rights violations. The problem is one of both law and
practice. Alleged human rights violations should be investigated by an
independent and neutral body and archaic laws that shield security
officials from prosecution should be amended. The report urges the
government to set up a witness protection program and to prosecute or
take disciplinary action against anyone who tries to stop or hinder a
criminal investigation. Soldiers and RAB officers are also protected from the civilian criminal justice system under rules that ensure that they can only be prosecuted in internal courts by their peers through processes that lack independence or impartiality. While the civilian courts have jurisdiction over cases involving police officers suspected of involvement in criminal activities, such officers are protected by Section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which requires explicit government approval to prosecute an officer purporting to act in an official capacity. Several other laws state that no legal action can be taken against a person who in good faith acts to implement any of its provisions. Foreign governments are well aware of the poor human rights record of these agencies, but nevertheless cooperate with and provide training to them. For all of these reasons, senior law enforcement and military officers have never been under strong systemic pressure to ensure that soldiers, paramilitaries, or police officers operate within the law or human rights norms. They take for granted that they have complete discretion in carrying out their mandate, even if it includes the use of unlawful violence. They send the message to victims that anyone who attempts to hold them accountable will have to pay a high price and that, in any case, the efforts will be fruitless. Bangladesh's new government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, has declared a ''zero-tolerance'' policy for extrajudicial executions and stated that state officials who engage in such acts will be punished. There are, however, no indications that the authorities have initiated any serious investigations into past abuses or into credible allegations that several suspects in the February 25-26, 2009 rebellion and massacre at the headquarters of the Bangladesh Rifles have been tortured and killed while in custody. Given their long history of arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings, Human Rights Watch recommends that DGFI and RAB be disbanded or at least, that an independent commission be set up to assess their performance, identify and recommend for dismissal officers believed to be responsible for serious human rights violations, and develop an action plan to transform them into agencies that operate within the law and with full respect for international human rights norms. DGFI's operations should be strictly limited to lawful military intelligence activities and in no circumstances should it have powers to detain or to engage in surveillance of the political opposition and critics of the government. ''As a party to the UN human rights conventions, Bangladesh is obliged to ensure that all violations — past and future — are investigated, and that those responsible are brought to justice'', Adams said. ''If Bangladesh is to become a country in which fundamental human rights are respected and the law is applied equally to the poor and the powerful, the existing culture of impunity has to be torn down''. ______________________________
National probe committee on BDR mutiny finds no militant, political and foreign links: The National Probe Committee on Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny did not find any militant, political or foreign links to the carnage at Pilkhana headquarters. "BDR jawans committed the murders on their own. Our investigation did not find any involvement of outsiders – political leaders, militants or foreign forces," an unnamed member of the Government probe body disclosed on May 21, 2009. According to the 309-page inquiry report submitted to Home Minister Sahara Khatunon on May 21, the BDR rank and file already had grievances pent up for years. It also said the mutiny was a continuation of the revolts in 1973 and 1991 over leadership in the border force. Meanwhile, some unidentified sources close to the Committee said that several BDR personnel had claimed the mutiny was part of their movement against discrimination by the Army officers deputed to BDR. In its report, the Committee recommends that those responsible be tried under the Military Act for a speedy trial. It also suggests that BDR personnel should not be engaged in programmes like 'Operation Dal-Bhat', which was introduced to contain price hike of essential commodities during the caretaker Government’s rule. It also advised a further inquiry into the claims of foreign links. The Daily Star, May 22, 2009.
[South Asia Intelligent Review]
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