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______________________________________________________________________________
News
Briefs
On
Democracy and Elections in Pakistan
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(Afghanistan and
Myanmar in the
map are not members of SAARC)
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The
More Things Change…
BY
KANCHAN LAKSHMAN
Research
Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management;
Assistant Editor, Faultlines: Writings on Conflict &
Resolution
Democratic
processes, it has been noted, "however flawed they may
be, nevertheless have a tendency to set the unexpected into
motion, and can never be entirely orchestrated." While
Pakistan celebrates the outcome of a surprisingly free
election, the new coalition Government that will bring
together two hitherto bitter rivals will have its task cut
out. And among the most pressing of tasks awaiting the new
regime is a disastrous and worsening internal security
situation and the challenge of halting Pakistan’s slide
towards state failure. Significantly, while 3,599 people
died in terrorism-related violence in 2007, January 2008
alone saw 654 such fatalities in a continuation of the
increasing violence across large swathes of the country.
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Notwithstanding
the fact that President Pervez Musharraf's control over the Army – and
indeed over the state’s counter-terrorism campaign – still continues,
the new dispensation in Islamabad and in the militancy affected provinces
may force him and the Army to dilute operations against the Islamist
terrorists and others. Furthermore, Musharraf will find it increasingly
difficult to hold on to power with a hostile Parliament and could be
progressively marginalized, even if he is able to ward off the threat of
impeachment from some political constituencies, particularly the Pakistan
Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N).
Crucially,
irrespective of the regime that will be installed in Islamabad, it is the
Army that will have to continue the fight against the extremists across
Pakistan. The February 18 mandate has secured nothing dramatic in terms of
the transformation of the structure of power in the country. The Army
remains the dominant power in the state structure. However, there is bound
to be divergence in the overall strategies to be adopted against the
militants since the Elections have led to a 'polarisation', with each of
the four provinces 'going in different directions'. The North West
Frontier Province (NWFP)
has gone to the Awami National Party (ANP); Punjab will be controlled by
the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N), supported either by the
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) or the independents; the PPP will be in
power in Sindh; and the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) is expected
to be in the saddle in Balochistan.
With
the defeat of the extremist Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in the NWFP and
Balochistan, the jihadis have lost significant over-ground space.
Consequently, they could now be driven deeper into the underground. In
fact, the rout of the MMA at the hustings is likely to have a far-reaching
impact on the socio-political landscape of at least three regions – NWFP,
North Balochistan and FATA, where the pro-Taliban/al Qaeda militancy has
been entrenched over the last six years. The vote share of the MMA has
decreased from approximately 11 percent in the rigged elections of 2002 to
around three percent in 2008. The MMA, which had 59 seats in the outgoing
National Assembly, and was the ruling party in the NWFP after the 2002
elections has been trounced, winning only three seats in Parliament and
nine in the NWFP Provincial Assembly. However, the MMA were a divided lot
in the NWFP during the current elections, with the Jamaat-e-Islami
boycotting the polls and leaving the Maulana Fazlur Rehman faction of the
Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JuI) stranded. While Fazlur Rehman, the former
Leader of the Opposition and a leading backer of the Taliban, lost in his
home town of Dera Ismail Khan to PPP candidate Faisal Karim Kundi, he did
win a seat from another constituency in the Bannu District. Three of
Rehman’s brothers, Maulana Ataur Rehman, Maulana Lutfur Rehman and
Maulana Obaidur Rehman, who were contesting for National and Provincial
Assembly seats, lost their elections.
Another
reason for the loss of the ‘Mullah’s Party’ is that the Rehman
faction of JuI could not overcome the impact of the Jamaat-e-Islami’s
boycott. The MMA’s defeat is also being attributed to the alliance’s
inability to stop military operations against the jihadis in NWFP
and Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s vacillation against adopting a tough line vis-à-vis
President Musharraf. At the same time, the ANP is reported to have
"regained its lost territory in its former strongholds of Peshawar,
Nowshera, Charsadda, Mardan and Swabi. It has surprisingly won all the
seats in the troubled Swat region as well as the adjoining Buner
District." The PPP won most of its seats from "Peshawar, Mardan,
Nowshera, Upper Dir, Lower Dir and Malakand in the former strongholds of
the Jamaat-e-Islami." The Jamaat boycott and a MMA ‘split’ meant
that the ANP and PPP were direct rivals in most of the NWFP.
Formed
in 2002, the MMA had won in the Frontier largely as a result of rigging in
its favour, and on the basis of a furious anti-American sentiment after
US-led troops overthrew the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in late 2001_
And their electoral success had led to considerable international
apprehension about a rising power of hard-line Islam in Pakistani
politics. The Elections of 2008 have, however, exposed the fact that it
was the Military-Mullah nexus that was principally responsible for the
rise of radical forces like the MMA. Nevertheless, with their control over
seminaries and mosques, the jihadi armies and their street power
untouched, the Islamist parties, consequent to their electoral defeat,
could seek refuge in aggressive mobilization, as well as political and
extremist action, which could lead to widespread violence. In the
proximate future, there could also be a consolidation of the over-ground
Islamist formations and this would add to the complexities arising out of
the ongoing mobilisation of extremist cadres across Pakistan.
It
is important to note that no militant formation has been effectively
demobilized since Musharraf’s seizure of power in 1999. While the
Taliban have de facto control over most of Waziristan, they and a mélange
of local jihadi groups also have full freedom of movement and
activities across the FATA, NWFP, North Balochistan and certain other
pockets. The current spate of subversion and violence can be expected to
continue, indicating a deepening retreat of the state. More importantly,
however, the strategy against the widening arc of extremism could run into
critical difficulties. The ANP, which is expected to form the Government
in the NWFP, has already voiced its disapproval of Islamabad’s strategy
in the Province. ANP spokesman Zahid Khan, while indicating that his party
was against military operations, stated, "We want to end the problem
through dialogue, not by military action." In fact, both the PPP and
PML-N have indicated that they would adopt a ‘new approach’ towards
militancy by pursuing more of dialogue than force. PPP Co-chairman Asif
Ali Zardari said that Musharraf had played a ‘double game’ leading to
an increase in militancy. "We feel they in the Government are running
with the hare and hunting with the hounds," he said. Indicating that
his party would hold talks with the militants in the FATA and the
insurgents in Balochistan, Zardari said, "We will have a dialogue
with those who are up in the mountains and those who are not in
Parliament."
Past
experience has, however, shown that alternating military operations with
peace accords with the militants is fraught with immense danger. In fact,
the new regimes in Islamabad and in the provinces are confronted with
crucial choices in prosecuting the campaign against Islamist extremism and
the accompanying terrorist violence. Musharraf’s own counter-terrorism
strategy and his over-hyped ‘enlightened moderation’ failed, on the
one hand, to neutralize the militants and, on the other, were unsuccessful
in securing support at the local level through a succession of peace
accords. Simply put, both force and dialogue, or a combination of the two,
have already failed to bring order to Pakistan. These options and their
associated risks will play out in the proximate future along with added
pressure from the election-bound US, which will increasingly press
Islamabad to ‘do more’.
President
Musharraf, who continues to battle survival issues, has, in addition to
the new Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kiyani, now to contend with a
hostile Parliament as well. There is also a clear lack of national
consensus on how to deal with Islamist militancy. Analyst Kamran Bokhari
rightly notes that, "on a tactical level, while the Pakistani Army
has a history of supporting insurgencies, it is ill-equipped to fight
them." According to Bokhari, the prospects for an effective national
policy on dealing with the Islamist militancy are slim and
"circumstances will require that the new Government be a coalition
— thus it will be inherently weak. This, along with the deteriorating
ground reality, will leave the Army with no choice but to adopt a tough
approach — one it has been avoiding for the most part."
The
new regime in Islamabad will, moreover, have little impact on the
situation in Indian Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), since the Kashmiri jihad
still constitutes the principal raison d’etre for the
Pakistan defence establishment. The declining trend of terrorist violence
in J&K since the peak of 2001 is expected to continue in the
foreseeable future. Viewed purely in terms of fatalities, the conflict in
J&K has now crossed the threshold from a high-intensity to a
low-intensity level. For the first time since 1990 (when they were 1,177),
fatalities in this terrorism-wracked State – at 777 in 2007 – fell
below the 'high intensity conflict' mark of a thousand deaths. This
decrease in levels of violence is, however, not due to any change in
Pakistani intent, but is largely the consequence of "changes in
capacities and compulsions in Pakistan." On the peace process with
India, the new Government, with its own priorities, may not be interested
in proceeding with the Musharraf sketch and consequently, there could be a
further slowing down of the India-Pakistan dialogue.
Almost
all state institutions in Pakistan are now intimately and intricately
linked to the trajectory of terrorist and political violence. Pakistan,
which, as Salman Rushdie expressed it, was perhaps "insufficiently
imagined", currently faces several daunting challenges with a direct
bearing on its own survival as a nation-state. Amidst the euphoria of
‘democracy’ it is, nevertheless, impossible to overlook the fact that
virtually the entire terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan, including the
leadership of all the purportedly 'banned' terrorist groups, operates
freely in the country. Given the tremendous and irrational hope generated
by a new political order, the uncertainty accompanying the transition and
the overall chaos in the country, the new Government would find it
extremely difficult to find its feet or reverse the trends towards
anarchy.
[Source:
South Asian Intelligence Review]
News
Briefs
Taliban
call for peace talks with new Government:
The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) said on February 24, 2008, that they
were ready for peace talks with the new Government, but only if it
rejected President Pervez Musharraf’s "war on terror" in the
country’s tribal belt. A TTP spokesman quoted Baitullah Mehsud as
calling for negotiations with parties that beat the president’s allies
in elections. "The Taliban movement welcomes the victory of
anti-Musharraf political parties... and announces its willingness to enter
into negotiations with them for bringing peace," Taliban spokesman
Maulana Omar said, quoting a statement by Mehsud. "Whoever makes the
Government, we want to make it clear to them we don’t want fighting. We
want peace, but if they impose war on us, we will not spare them,"
Omar told journalists in Peshawar by telephone. He urged the new
administration to "avoid repeating the mistakes of the Musharraf
Government." Daily
Times, February 25, 2008.
14
people killed in bomb blast in NWFP: A
remote-controlled bomb exploded at a wedding party procession on February
22, 2008, killing 14 people and injuring 13 others, mostly children, in
the Matta Administrative Division of Swat District in the North West
Frontier Province (NWFP). The bomb, which was detonated in the Ronial Takh
Maira area of the region, exploded around 4pm (PST) when the wedding party
was travelling from Kandogai village to Pir Dar Baba village. "There
was a remote-controlled bomb explosion which targeted a wedding party. Two
cars were destroyed including the car in which the bride was travelling,
[and] she died," local police officer Haroon Khan told AFP. Daily
Times , February 23, 2008.
Pakistan
People’s Party and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz agree to form coalition
Government: The
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)
agreed on February 21, 2008, to form coalition governments, including with
the Awami National Party (ANP). "We have agreed on a common agenda.
We will work together to form the Government in the Centre and in the
Provinces… We will ensure that you complete a full five years’
term," Nawaz Sharif told a Press Conference in Islamabad after talks
with PPP Co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari. Zardari said there were "a lot
of grounds to cover" between the two parties, but added: "Inshallah
(God willing) we will be meeting off and on. In principle, we have agreed
to stay together." Also on February 21, the PPP and the ANP agreed to
work together for the supremacy of Parliament, judicial reforms,
provincial autonomy and war on terror, Zardari and ANP President Asfandyar
Wali told reporters after their meeting. Daily
Times, February 22, 2008.
Pakistan
People’s Party emerges as single largest party in election results: The
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) emerged as the single largest party in the
National Assembly followed closely by the Nawaz Sharif-led Pakistan Muslim
League (PML-N) in the elections held on February 18, 2008. The PPP led
with 87 seats out of 272, followed by 66 for the PML-N, and 38 for the
Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q). Among the smaller parties, the
Muttahida Qaumi Movement won 19 seats and the Pakhtun nationalist Awami
National Party got 10 seats. The Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal, a religious
coalition which won 59 seats in 2002, was able to win only three this
time. Other political parties – the PPP-Sherpao, the Balochistan
National Party, the National People’s Party and the PML-F – got one,
one, two, and four seats, respectively. Independent candidates won 27
seats.
In
the Punjab province, the PML-N won 101 seats out of 280, while the PPP and
independent candidates got 78 and 35 seats, respectively. The PML-Q got 66
seats. In Sindh, the PPP won 65 seats out of 125, while the MQM and the
PML-Q got 38 and nine seats, respectively. The PML-N failed to win a
single seat while one independent candidate was successful. In Balochistan,
the PML-Q won 17 seats out of 44, while the PPP won seven seats.
Independent candidates won ten seats. In the North West Frontier Province
(NWFP), the ANP won 31 seats out of 85, while the PML-Q and the PML-N won
six and five seats, respectively. The PPP won 17 seats in the NWFP. In the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), results for six constituencies
out of a total of 12 have been officially announced. Elections in two of
the constituencies were postponed. As all the candidates in the region
contested the elections as independent candidates, no political parties
gained any inroads into the region. The
Hindu; Daily
Times, February 20, 2008.
19
people killed in country-wide elections: 19
people were killed and 157 others were injured in countrywide
election-related violence on February 18, 2008, caretaker Interior
Minister Lt-Gen (Retd.) Hamid Nawaz stated. The Minister said that nine
persons died in Punjab, seven in Sindh and three in the North West
Frontier Province. He did not give any casualty figures for Balochistan,
where four people were reported to have been killed. According to
independent reports, the overall death toll in the country was 26.
"Despite 19 deaths, the Government considers the election quite
peaceful, with no incident of terrorism in any part of the country… We
are happy that neither any incident of terrorism nor any obstacle in the
election process was reported in the country," the caretaker minister
said. Private TV channels reported that clashes between supporters of
different political parties occurred in Khairpur, Gujranwala, Chakwal,
Kamoki, Mirpur, Jacobabad, Muzzafargarh, Mandi Bahauddin, Dera Ghazi Khan,
Sargodha, Charsadda, Sukkur, Gujar Khan, Shikarpur, Hangu, Gakharmandi,
Sialkot, Samandri, Sanghar and Peshawar.
Polling
is reported to have begun at a slow pace as voters appeared to be wary of
violence. However, as the day progressed, the voter turnout improved and,
according to unconfirmed reports, was estimated to be 35 per cent at the
end of polling. The Ambassadors of UK, USA, Japan, China, Canada, Saudi
Arabia, Iran, the South Asian Association of Regional Corporation (SAARC)
and European Union Countries, visited different polling stations in the
twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad and expressed their satisfaction
over the polling process, security arrangements and performance of
election staff. The Government had deployed 81,000 troops and nearly
400,000 police personnel to provide security to the more than 64,000
polling stations, a third of which had been declared sensitive. Dawn,
February 19, 2008.
47 persons killed
in suicide attack in FATA: A suicide bomber on February 16, 2008,
rammed his explosives-laden car into the election office of an
independent candidate in Parachinar city of the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA), killing at least 47 persons, including six
children, and injuring 150 others. "It was a suicide attack, there
were people outside the candidate’s house and they were waiting for
food when this man attacked," Caretaker Interior Minister Hamid
Nawaz told AFP. According to eyewitnesses, the bomber hit the election
office of independent candidate for NA-37 Kurram Agency, Syed Riaz
Hussain Shah, where a large number of people had gathered. The blast
came on the final day of campaigning for National Assembly (NA) polls
being held on February 18. Daily
Times, February 17-18, 2008.
Awami National
Party leader among 10 persons killed in suicide attack in North
Waziristan: At least 10 people were killed and 13 others sustained
injuries when a teenaged suicide bomber blew himself up amidst a
gathering of the Awami National Party (ANP) and tribal Lashkar (force)
at Mirali in North Waziristan on February 11, 2008. President of the
North Waziristan chapter of the ANP, Haji Anwar Shah, was among the
dead. Witnesses from Mirali, the second biggest town after the regional
headquarters Miranshah, said that a suicide bomber blew himself up when
the party workers reached Eedak village, where armed men of the tribal
Lashkar were manning a checkpoint set up on the main Bannu-Miranshah
road to search vehicles carrying goods to Afghanistan. The tribal
Lashkar was recently raised by the Dawar tribes-people to evict foreign
militants from their area, which according to them, provoked military
operations by the Pakistani security forces and caused them multiple
hardships. The
News , February 12, 2008.
Envoy to Kabul
abducted in Khyber Agency: Pakistan’s Ambassador to Afghanistan
Tariq Azizuddin was abducted along with his bodyguard and driver in the
Jamrud Sub-district of the Khyber Agency in the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA) on February 11, 2008. "He is missing and we
believe that he has been kidnapped," a security official said. A
political administration official in Jamrud confirmed the incident, but
said that the administration had no prior information about his visit.
"We had no prior information of his travel. The Ambassador would
never inform us whenever he travelled to or from Afghanistan," said
Deputy Administrator of Landi Kotal Ahmad Khan Orakzai. No group has so
far claimed responsibility for the kidnapping. Dawn,
February 12, 2008.
Taliban commander
Mansoor Dadullah captured in Balochistan: Security forces on
February 11, 2008, captured Taliban ‘commander’ Mullah Mansoor
Dadullah along with five other Taliban militants after a gun-battle in
the Gowal Ismailzai village of Qila Saifullah District (near the Afghan
border) in Balochistan. He is the younger brother of Taliban commander
Mullah Dadullah, who was killed in a clash with the US-led forces in
Afghanistan’s Helmand province in May 2007. "Mansoor Dadullah is
alive, but he is injured and in the custody of the authorities along
with five other Taliban who too have received injuries," caretaker
Interior Minister Lt-Gen (retd) Hamid Nawaz said. Dawn,
February 12, 2008.
27 persons killed
in suicide blast in NWFP: 27 persons were killed and over 50 others
sustained injuries in a bomb blast at an election rally of the Awami
National Party in the Nahaqi village of Charsadda district in the North
West Frontier Province (NWFP) on February 10, 2008. Officials said the
bomb had been planted near the stage and the explosion occurred as soon
as recitation from the Holy Quran began. Federal Interior Minister Hamid
Nawaz termed it a suicide attack and the police said it had found a
severed head at the scene. Dawn;
The
News, February 10, 2008.
Taliban declares
unilateral cease-fire in South Waziristan and Swat: Taliban
spokesman Maulana Umar on February 6, 2008, declared a unilateral
cease-fire from South Waziristan to Swat, saying no security forces
would be targeted. "We will not attack any security person, be it
in Waziristan or in Swat (district)," he told Daily Times from an
undisclosed location. Umar denied the truce was the result of
"secret negotiations", claiming the Taliban were responding to
a reduction in the military’s attacks on them. "We will not
attack the security forces till [our] next announcement," he said,
adding, "We see a marked decrease in intensity of attacks on
us." Tribal sources said a Taliban shura (council) had decided on
the cease-fire after the Government had "agreed to meet certain
points." However, the military said that operations against
militants would continue. "This (Taliban ceasefire) is [a]
one-sided (announcement). We received no formal communiqué,"
military spokesman Major General Athar Abbas said. Daily
Times, February 7, 2008.
600 suicide bombers
present in Karachi: 600 suicide bombers are present in Karachi and
they are planning a major attack, revealed two militants Qasim Toori and
Danish alias Talha during interrogations by security agencies. Most of
the suicide bombers are reported to be former students of Islamabad’s
Lal Masjid (Red Mosque). The militants confessed, "Around 600
Jundullah militants are present in Karachi. They are mentally prepared
and trained to commit suicide attacks." They also confessed that
they had robbed foreign banks and dispatched the money to their
headquarters in Wana in South Waziristan, from where their needs for
weapons, explosives and other necessities were being met. The two
militants were captured along with some women and children during a raid
in Sector-17A, Shah Latif, on January 29, 2008. A third militant, who
was killed during the raid, was identified as Gohar Muhammad alias Abrar
Keamari Wallah. Daily
Times, February 6, 2008.
Ten persons killed
in suicide bombing in Rawalpindi: At least ten persons were killed
and about 10 others were wounded on February 4, 2008, when a suicide
bomber crashed his bike into an armed forces bus carrying students and
officials of Army Medical College, near the General Headquarters (GHQ)
in Rawalpindi. An eyewitness said the suicide bomber hit the 30-seater
bus in front of National Logistic Cell offices close to the GHQ, blowing
away the roof, windows and doors of the bus. Several other vehicles were
also damaged. A van carrying schoolchildren was also partially damaged,
but the children remained unhurt. Daily
Times, February 5, 2008.
Senior
al Qaeda commander Abu Laith Al-Libi killed: Senior al Qaeda
commander Abu Laith Al-Libi has been killed in Pakistan, CNN quoted,
"a knowledgeable Western official and an unnamed military
official" as saying. The 41-year-old Libyan was active in
operational planning and training, and according to the US official,
"not far below the importance of the top two al Qaeda
leaders" – Osama bin Laden and Ayman Al-Zawahiri. He was
placed on the US military’s most wanted list in 2006, behind
Laden, Zawahiri and Taliban leader Mullah Omar. Daily
Times, February 1, 2008.
[Source:
South Asian Intelligence Review]

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