SOUTH ASIA - Pakistan | June 2008

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                News Briefs             

Balochistan province, which has long remained on the periphery of Pakistan's projects and perceptions, is one of the theatres of conflict where "dialogue with those who are up in the mountains" is presently unraveling.

 

Gillani has stated that his Government is working for ‘national reconciliation’ and has already ordered an end to military operations in Balochistan. As part of a new strategy to bring peace to the conflict wracked province, a series of ‘confidence building measures’ (CBMs) have been initiated by Islamabad. Among others, these include:

• During his visit to the province on May 2, 2008, Gillani announced that no Army action would be carried out in Balochistan until a strategy is formulated in consultation with representatives of the provincial Government to deal with the issue of law and order in the province.

• The federal Government has decided to withdraw the Frontier Corps (FC) from Gwadar and provincial capital Quetta and hand over the responsibility of managing law and order to the Police in the two cities.

• The Government has announced the withdrawal of cases against political prisoners and ordered their release.

• The federal Government has constituted two committees for Balochistan, one for missing persons and the other for internally-displaced persons. (Kachkol Ali, leader of the opposition in the previous Balochistan Assembly, claims that the number of displaced people has exceeded 100,000, with children suffering the most through an aid blockade imposed by the Government)

• The former Chief Minister Sardar Akhtar Mengal was released from prison on May 9, 2008, after Gillani asked the Federal and Provincial Governments to withdraw all cases registered against him.

FC troops were reportedly seen withdrawing from their positions on May 4, 2008. FC sources disclosed that more than 600 FC troops had been withdrawn from 28 check-posts in Quetta, adding that about the same number of troops had also been recalled from the Gwadar District. Sources indicated that the Chief Security Officer of Gwadar, who belonged to the FC, had been replaced by a Deputy Inspector-General of Police. However, officials said that FC troops would remain stationed in troubled areas like Dera Bugti and Kohlu to protect sensitive installations, including the Sui Gas Plant and the pipeline network supplying natural gas all over the country.

 

The truth, however, is that the Federal Government’s plans for Balochistan – whether military, economic or political – stand in irreducible opposition to perceptions of local interest among the people of the Province. At the moment, there is little evidence of the insurgents’ responding favourably to the proposed CBMs.

 

One of the Baloch nationalist parties has, in fact, challenged the Government's claim that military operations have ended. Hasil Bizenjo, Secretary General of the National Party, told Gulf News that "It is a lie that the military operation has been halted in Balochistan." He said, though a new Government has been installed, hundreds of dissidents and political activists still languished in prisons and "torture cells". "The military and paramilitary troops are still active on the mountains, their intelligence networks are still operational and hounding people struggling for their rights," he asserted. Bizenjo, whose party boycotted the 2008 general elections, claimed that not a single political prisoner has been released. "Only those cases of treason have been withdrawn in which the Government had not arrested any people," he stated. According to him, "More than 900 people are missing in Dera Bugti District and more than 750 in its neighbouring Kohlu District." Bizenjo insisted that he "did not understand" the reasons behind the Government’s "false claims", when it has not even ordered withdrawal of troops from places like Dera Bugti, Kohlu, Gwadar, Dilbadin and Khuzdar.

 

The Central Leader of the Jamhori Watan Party (Brahmdagh Bugti faction), Nawabzada Jamil Bugti, son of the slain Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, stated, on May 5, 2008, that the arrest and trial of those involved in Balochistan military operations, rehabilitation of internally displaced people and immediate release of thousands of detained Baloch youth are preconditions, if the rulers want to make the reconciliation process result oriented. Refusing to hold talks with Senator Babar Awan, Secretary of the Balochistan Committee set up by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), he contended that negotiations are possible only if a murder case is registered against President Pervez Musharraf for killing his father and other Baloch people, and Security Forces are withdrawn from Dera Bugti and other areas. He expressed the hope that, in the present scenario, no Baloch leader would engage in the reconciliation process, adding that they had a bitter experience of surrendering arms in the 1970s. Addressing a Press Conference in Quetta, he stated military operations were still continuing in Dera Bugti and other parts of the Province. "We will not surrender our weapons because it is against the Baloch tradition. We remember the fate of Nawab Nauroz Khan Zarakzai and other tribesmen who were brought from the mountains under oath and then hanged by Army ruler Ayub Khan in the 1960s," Jamil Bugti concluded.

 

Nawabzada Talal Akbar Bugti, another son of Akbar Bugti, has rejected Prime Minister Gillani’s offer of negotiations conditional on laying down arms, saying "that the Baloch people will only do so after they have achieved their rights and gained complete autonomy."

 

Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, a veteran leader and chieftain of the Marri tribe has described President Musharraf as a "gangster with an ego," and has also rejected the CBMs.

 

The proscribed Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) has also rejected the Government’s invitation for a dialogue. We regard the Government’s offer for talks as its defeat, since previously it was not even ready to recognise the existence of the BLA, BLA spokesman Beebarg Baloch said. The Government’s claims of holding talks with Baloch insurgents are a "pack of lies" and the new Balochistan Governor, Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi, and Chief Minister, Nawab Aslam Raisani, are "fooling themselves" by offering talks, the BLA he said, on April 16, 2008, adding, "Neither has the Government contacted us nor are we interested in talks."

 

Further, Baloch political groups are claiming that the CBMs are mere hogwash since "no cases have yet been withdrawn, no one has yet been released and the names of the members of the Committee on Missing Persons have not yet been announced. The Prime Minister also announced plans to replace 6,000 Army personnel with the Frontier Constabulary, but the Army is there with its full strength."

 

On the face of it, it seems that the province has relatively calmed down after the assassination, on August 26, 2006, of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti by the military. The momentum of the Baloch insurgency declined relatively in 2007, as some leaders either fled Pakistan or were neutralized by the state. At least 450 persons, including 226 civilians, 82 soldiers and 142 insurgents, were killed in 772 incidents in 2006. Violence in 2007 was at relatively lower levels, with about 245 persons, including 124 civilians, killed in the year (Institute for Conflict Management data). Balochistan Inspector General of Police Saud Gohar, however, said that terrorism and subversive activities increased in the province by 19 per cent during 2007. About 186 people were killed and 445 injured in 540 incidents of terrorism and sabotage in 2007. He said that the Police had recovered more than 1,000 weapons and 18 kilograms of explosives during 2007.

 

According to the Institute for Conflict Management database, in year 2008 (till May 9) approximately 78 persons had been killed and 242 others wounded in 188 incidents of insurgency-related violence in Balochistan. There have been approximately 126 bomb blasts in 2008 (till May 9) in which more than 43 persons died and 215 others wounded. Through 2007, at least 332 people died and 457 were injured in more than 125 bomb blasts.

 

Whatever the actual figures may be, it is evident that insurgency continues to simmer, and there has been a steady stream of bomb and rocket attacks on gas pipelines, railway tracks, power transmission lines, bridges, and communications infrastructure, as well as on military establishments and Government facilities. The rebels are still capable of carrying out acts of sabotage on a daily basis across the province and a political solution to the insurgency is nowhere in sight. Acts of violence are, importantly, not restricted to a few Districts, but are occurring practically across the Province, including the provincial capital Quetta. Currently, all 27 Districts of Balochistan are affected either by a sub-nationalist tribal insurgency or, separately, by Islamist extremism. Most of the violence in Balochistan is, however, 'nationalist' and there is no co-operation between Islamist militants in pockets in the North and the Baloch nationalist insurgents. The shadow of Afghanistan continues to hover over Balochistan, with (mostly Pashtoon) Islamist militants concentrated in the north of the province, who are orchestrating violence on both sides of the Afghan border in their areas of domination. There are regular reports of the presence of al Qaeda-Taliban operatives in North Balochistan.

 

The Federal and Provincial Governments undoubtedly face a challenging task. Chief among the policy dilemmas is whether to abandon the military track altogether or pursue a combination of both military and political initiatives. While a dialogue with the rebels is imperative for the coalition Government in Islamabad and military operations alone cannot bring peace to the province, it is also the case that there has been a clear disconnect in the past between Islamabad and the insurgents regarding a peace process. Considering the intense animosity – enormously deepened by the military excesses of the recent past – between Islamabad and the Balochis, it will take much more than a partial troop withdrawal and unreciprocated CBMs to reverse course in the Province and engage politically with the insurgents.

 

Underlying the entire conflict is a crisis of faith. Islamabad has never trusted the Baloch. And the Baloch find little reason in their history to trust Islamabad. Worse, recent developments in the province have immensely intensified Baloch apprehensions. Protests against the Federal Government's acquisition of vast tracts of land for mega military ventures, such as the Gwadar Port and City project, already feed the insurgency, and the Pakistan Air Force’s (PAF) recent plan to take over 70,000 acres of land has caused further furor in Balochistan. The PAF is reportedly attempting to acquire 70,000 acres of land along the Coastal Highway in the Lasbela District to establish its new weapons’ testing and firing range. The previous Provincial Government had reportedly allotted the land to the Defence Ministry at an insignificant price of PKR 600 an acre. The Ministry, according to Dawn, had already paid approximately PKR 50 million and asked the provincial Government to eject local people from their ancestral lands. While the locals have refused to vacate the areas, contending that they had been living on these lands since centuries, sources said the "firing range would also adversely affect the Rs. 250 million National Hingol Wildlife project launched by the World Bank." Criticising the action of the previous Government, Speaker of the Balochistan Assembly, Aslam Bhootani, who was elected from the area, contended that the land had been allotted to the Defence Ministry at too low a price and without consulting the local people, who were its real owners.

 

While there is immense pressure on the Government to unveil a peace process in all the conflict zones across Pakistan, for the insurgents in Balochistan, a change in dispensation in Islamabad does not denote any modification of the underlying sources and character of their insurgency. The new regime’s initiatives are, consequently, not expected to change the dynamics of the conflict in Balochistan.

 

A wide range of entrenched discriminatory practices underlie this dynamic. Robert Wirsing writes in Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy Resources: The Changing Context of Separatism in Pakistan (Strategic Studies Institute, April 2008), that "when it came to jobs, for instance, the gas industry’s well-paid managers and technicians were almost invariably drawn from outside Balochistan; local Baloch, inevitably viewed with some suspicion, were mainly employed in low-end jobs as day laborers…. An obvious remedy for the shortage of technically skilled Baloch qualified for employment in the gas industry – government funding of technical training institutions in Balochistan – was never seriously considered until recently."

 

Another significant issue that Islamabad, the insurgents and other stakeholders will have to engage with is how to alter the current fiscal arrangement, which is evidently inconsistent with the concept of provincial ownership of natural resources. As Wirsing notes, further,

 

Baloch leaders have been arguing for years that turning the situation around required, among other things, an overhaul of the rules governing intergovernmental fiscal relations — including both those pertaining to how the Central Government shares the divisible pool of tax revenues with the Provinces, and those pertaining to how the provincial share is divided up among the four provinces… As it now stands, revenues are distributed among the provinces in accord with a strict per capita population criterion. This formula finds favor in the Punjab, and to some extent also in Sindh and the NWFP. It means, of course, that Balochistan, with just short of five per cent of the country’s population, inevitably gets a very small share of the pie. Possessing, on the other hand, 43.6 per cent of the country’s area, with the unique costs entailed thereby, along with an exceptionally low level of development, Balochistan, say its advocates, requires a different distributional formula.

 

Despite significant agreement on the Province’s grievances against Islamabad, however, unity continues to elude the insurgent movement. There was a measure of expectation that some form of unity would emerge in the aftermath of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti’s – arguably the most powerful insurgent leader – assassination on August 26, 2006. Islamabad’s counter-insurgency strategy has also been a significant factor contributing to the disunity. Mass arrests, long periods of imprisonment and assassination have complemented military operations, resulting in a gradual and strategic decapitation of the insurgents over the last three and half years. After Bugti was killed in August 2006, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, former Chief Minister of Balochistan and head of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), was arrested in November 2006 and tried in the Karachi Anti-Terrorism Court for alleged treason. Mengal was subsequently acquitted of the treason charges in early 2007, but he continued to be held in jail on other charges, until his eventual release on May 9, 2008. Another leader who was neutralized was Nawabzada Balach Marri, purported chief of the Balochistan Liberation Army and one of Nawab Khair Baksh Marri’s sons. Balach Marri was killed on November 21, 2007, along with his bodyguards, in a clash somewhere inside Afghanistan, triggering widespread violence in Quetta and other parts of the province. Mystery shrouds Marri’s killing, as some reports suggest he was killed in Afghanistan and others stated it was in Pakistan, while no confirmed identification of the perpetrators of the attack is yet available.

 

Despite the systematic elimination of its leaders, however, decentralization may, in fact, emerge as an effective strategy for the Baloch insurgency, considering its ability to sustain a significant threshold violence.

 

The protracted nature of the Baloch insurgency makes it clear that Islamabad’s overwhelming reliance on a military solution has failed. However, attempts at political management have also failed repeatedly, particularly in the recent past. For instance, findings of the Parliamentary sub-committee on Balochistan headed by Mushahid Hussain in 2005 are gathering dust in Islamabad. The political track has not found favour within the current establishment either. Balochistan’s nationalist parties are reportedly not keen to participate in an All-Parties’ Conference (APC), which the PPP Co-chairman Asif Zardari has suggested, to resolve the problem. The February 2008 apology tendered by the PPP to the people of Balochistan, also, does not seem to have had the desired effect. In its resolution, the party had stated: "The PPP, on behalf of the people of Pakistan, apologises to the people of the province of Balochistan for the atrocities and injustices committed against them and pledges to embark on a new highway of healing and mutual respect."

 

The founder of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), Sardar Ataullah Mengal, while terming the apology a positive but insufficient step, expressed a lack of hope in the PPP being able to solve the insurgency. "The civil-military bureaucracy has always called the shots here," he noted. He and other nationalist Baloch leaders have indicated that the state of affairs in Balochistan would remain unchanged until the "colonial perception of the rulers" changed and basic issues such as provincial autonomy were addressed. In a similar vein, Yusuf Khan Mustikhan, a central leader of the National Workers’ Party, stated that a mere apology could not solve the Balochistan problem and the "core issue of autonomy had to be resolved in line with the expectations of the Baloch people." BNP Secretary General Habib Jalib Baloch asserted, further, "The Baloch have been cheated time and again by the Centre under the disguise of Parliamentary Committees and APCs. We are tired of such measures which, at the end of the day, do not yield any positive results." Baloch nationalist political parties, dominant actors in the Province who had earlier boycotted the February 2008 elections in the Province, have now unambiguously refused to attend the APC.

 

A high measure of euphoria and optimism currently attend the ‘democratic transition’ in Pakistan, and high expectations of finding rapid solutions to the multiple insurgencies that currently afflict the country are widely articulated. Within this context, it merits mention that during the Baloch insurgency in the 1970s, it was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, founder of the current ruling party PPP, who was the Prime Minister heading one of the intermittent democratic regimes in Pakistan, and he demonstrated little patience for concepts like provincial autonomy and the human rights of the Baloch people. In fact, he had refused to negotiate with the then Chief Minister Ataullah Mengal and had also sent the military into the Province to brutally suppress the insurrection.

 

Over the past few years, the insurgents have unequivocally indicated that their capacity to disrupt power and gas networks, and attack Government installations at will, is not a mere irritant. Wirsing notes that the demonstrably adverse impact of the Baloch crisis on the daily lives of most Pakistanis grows larger with each passing day. In the absence of a radical transformation of both the political and military approach in Balochistan, the insurgency will certainly continue to simmer and, in certain circumstances, has significant potential for escalation.

[Source: South Asian Intelligence Review]

Next al Qaeda attack on the US to come from FATA, says US general: A top American general on May 22, 2008, endorsed a US intelligence assessment that the next 9/11-type attack on US soil would come from al Qaeda bases in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in Pakistan, but urged the United States to increase its security assistance to the country to help it deal with the threat. General David Petraeus, a top US military commander nominated to lead the Central Command, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that "Clearly, Al Qaeda’s senior leadership has been strengthened in the FATA, even as their main effort still is assessed to be in Iraq by them, as well as by us. But the organisation of an attack, if you will, would likely come from the FATA." Dawn, May 23, 2008.

Government signs peace agreement with militants in Swat: The Taliban militants operating under the command of Maulana Fazlullah in the Swat District on May 21, 2008, signed a 16-point peace agreement with the Awami National Party (ANP)-led NWFP Government and agreed to disbanding the militia, while denouncing and renouncing suicide attacks and stopping attacks on the security forces and Government installations. The Taliban were represented by their spokesman Muslim Khan, Ali Bakht, Maulana Muhammad Amin, Mehmood Khan and Nisar Khan, while the Government team consisted of senior ministers Bashir Bilour and Rahimdad Khan, NWFP Environment Minister Wajid Ali Khan, ANP provincial President Afrasiyab Khattak and legislator Shamshir Ali. After the talks that continued for eight-and-a-half hours, Bashir Bilour announced that both the sides had signed a 16-point peace agreement and hoped that now there would be peace in the Swat Valley. Talking to reporters, a member of the Taliban negotiating team, Ali Bakht, said the Government would release 200 militants in the next two weeks. Meanwhile, Geo News reported Major General Athar Abbas as stating that the Army would not oppose the peace deal. The News, May 22, 2008.

Five soldiers among 13 persons killed in suicide attack in NWFP: Thirteen persons, including five soldiers, were killed and 23 others, including 11 soldiers, sustained injuries in a suicide attack at the Punjab Regiment Centre (PRC) market in the Cantonment area of Mardan on May 18. Security officials said the bomber was around 22 years old and detonated the bomb when stopped from entering a bakery at the PRC market. Provincial Minister for Local Government and Rural Development, Bashir Ahmad Bilour, said it was a suicide attack that might be in retaliation to the recent US air strikes in the Bajaur Agency of the FATA. The Tehrik-i-Taliban in Darra Adamkhel claimed responsibility for the attack. A spokesman said the militants had asked the Government to stop military operations and pull out the security forces from Darra Adamkhel. He said the attacks would continue till the operation was called off. The PRC is reportedly a base for troops involved in operations against militants in the tribal region. Dawn; The News, May 19, 2008.

Militants release Pakistan’s Ambassador to Afghanistan after 97 days in captivity: Militants released Pakistan’s Ambassador to Afghanistan, Tariq Azizuddin, on May 16, after holding him in captivity for 97 days. His release came after protracted negotiations between the Government and militant leader Baitullah Mehsud, with tribal leaders acting as mediators. Azizuddin was handed over to the military authorities in Razmak in North Waziristan, from where he was flown to the Army’s brigade headquarters at Zari Noor for debriefing. Azizuddin had been abducted from the Khyber Agency on February 11 while on his way to Kabul. An unnamed official claimed that Azizuddin’s captors released him as a goodwill gesture following the prisoners’ swap between the militants and the authorities and the military pullout from the Mehsud part of South Waziristan. "There has been no ransom paid and no special prisoner exchange in this case," he said. Some sources, however, claimed that the Government had not only paid $2.5 million for his release, but also agreed to release three associates of the detained Taliban commander Mansoor Dadullah. Dawn, May 18, 2008.

Troop pullout from South Waziristan begins: The withdrawal of the security forces (SFs) has started from areas of Spain Kai, Ghazai and Kot Kai in South Waziristan. Confirming reports of the pullout on May 16, 2008, the political administration of South Waziristan said the troops were being deployed in areas of Jandola Qilla and other locations. But a Government official said the military was being relocated to positions from where it would be easy for them to re-occupy the vacated positions within four hours of any incident. The troop withdrawal was a key commitment made by the Government for reaching a peace agreement with the militants and came after the two sides had exchanged prisoners over the preceding three days. Military spokesman Major General Athar Abbas, however, said that the troops were not being withdrawn but being relocated and readjusted to allow displaced people to return to their homes. Dawn; The News, May 17, 2008.

12 militants killed in suspected US drone attack at Damadola in FATA: At least 12 militants, including some foreigners, were killed on May 14, 2008, in a suspected United States missile strike on two houses in the Damadola area of Bajaur Agency in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Two missiles, apparently fired by a US drone aircraft, demolished a house and a compound used by suspected al Qaeda militants, an unnamed official told AFP. Residents said they saw drones flying in the area beforehand, AP reported. They said that Taliban militants cordoned off the site soon after the attack. Taliban spokesman Maulana Omar told Daily Times that ‘commander’ Maulana Obaidullah’s house had been targeted. He said most of the house’s residents, including women and children, were killed. However, military spokesman Major General Athar Abbas said that there was no Army in the area and he had no knowledge of any missile strike. Daily Times, May 15, 2008.

NWFP Government signs cease-fire agreement with militants in Swat: The Awami National Party-led Government in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and militants in the Swat District reached a cease-fire agreement on May 9, 2008. The truce was achieved after three hours of talks between a Government committee and a team of militants representing Maulana Fazlullah. "We talked to each other, like Pashtuns do. They are also Pashtuns and they did understand that violence has brought nothing but bloodshed and mayhem," said the NWFP Minister Bashir Ahmad Bilour. Bilour, who headed the committee formed by the Government to negotiate with the militants in Swat, said the two sides had decided to place "tega" - a Pushto euphemism for truce. He stated that the two sides had signed an agreement to stop violence in the valley, adding that the militants had agreed to stop attacks on security force personnel and Government installations. The Government, in return, would stop search operations and arrests, he added. "The cease-fire will hold until we reach a final agreement. We are going to Swat next week and will hold more talks with the militants," he said. "It was not a peace agreement but a cease-fire. This was the first direct contact with the local Taliban in which we secured a ceasefire as confidence building measure (CBM) and now we will be able to hold further talks with them for the solution of the Swat problem," Wajid Ali Khan, a member of the Government Committee and provincial Minister for Environment, stated. Dawn; The News, May 10, 2008.

Four persons killed in suicide bombing in NWFP: A suicide bomber blew himself up at a checkpoint in Bannu in the NWFP on May 6, 2008, killing a Police constable and two civilians and injuring 12 persons, including eight security force personnel. According to eyewitnesses, the bomber blew himself up when Police stopped an auto-rickshaw at the checkpoint near the office of an intelligence agency. No group has claimed responsibility for the suicide bombing so far. It was the second suicide attack in the province after Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan chief Baitullah Mehsud declared a cease-fire on April 24. On April 25, a car bomb exploded at a Police Station in Mardan, killing three people and wounding 12 others. Dawn, May 7, 2008.

Frontier Corps commence withdrawal from Gwadar and Quetta in Balochistan: The Federal Government has decided to withdraw Frontier Corps (FC) from Gwadar and Quetta and hand over the responsibility of managing the law and order to Police in the two cities. FC troops were reportedly seen withdrawing from their positions on May 4. APP reported that FC sources disclosed that more than 600 FC troops had been withdrawn from 28 check-posts in the provincial capital Quetta, adding that about the same number of troops had also been recalled from the Gwadar District. Sources said that the Chief Security Officer of Gwadar, who belonged to the FC, had been replaced by a Deputy Inspector-General of Police. However, officials said that FC troops would remain stationed in troubled areas like Dera Bugti and Kohlu to protect sensitive installations, including the Sui Gas Plant and the pipeline network supplying natural gas all over the country. Earlier, on May 2, Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani said that the military operation in Balochistan had been stopped. Addressing the Balochistan Cabinet in the provincial capital Quetta, he asked the Federal and Provincial Governments to withdraw all cases registered against former Chief Minister Sardar Akhtar Mengal, so that he could be released. Dawn, May 3-5, 2008.

Al Qaeda remains threat to Pakistan, says US State Department annual report: Al Qaeda's continued public calls to overthrow President Pervez Musharraf have remained a 'threat to Pakistan', said the US State Department's Country Report on Terrorism 2007, which has also declared attacks on Benazir Bhutto as the 'deadliest' of the previous year. The report released on April 30, 2008, said that despite having a huge presence of approximately 80,000 to 100,000 troops in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the Government's authority in the area continued to be challenged. It said, though military operations disrupted militant activities, no senior al Qaeda leader was either captured or killed in 2007. Pakistan arrested or detained several high-profile terrorist suspects, but faced significant challenges in prosecuting such cases, the report said. "The trend and sophistication of suicide bombings grew in Pakistan this year. The December 27 assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, in a suicide bombing after a political rally in Rawalpindi, was the most prominent suicide attack. Between 2002 and 2006, the Department recorded approximately 22 suicide attacks in the country, whereas in 2007 there were over 45 such attacks," the report said. Sectarian violence claimed hundreds of lives this year and increased since 2006, according to data from the Institute for Conflict Management, the report said. U.S. Department of State, April 30, 2008.

Al Qaeda’s headquarters in the tribal areas, says Europol: A report by the European Police Office stated that Pakistan’s tribal areas are the "command and control centre" for al Qaeda’s "remaining core leadership" planning attacks in the European Union (EU). The annual "Terrorism Situation and Trend Report – 2008" said: "The tribal areas of Pakistan host a number of terrorist training camps operating in support of the Afghan Taliban, pro-Taliban Pakistani groups and foreign Mujahideen." It also stated that, in the past, terrorist links between Pakistan and the EU were almost exclusively focused on the UK, but terrorism is now expanding in the EU. It said that the foiled plot in Germany, related to an Uzbek group based in the tribal areas, and recent cases in the UK and Denmark indicated an increasingly assertive and efficient Pakistani-based command and control of terrorism in the EU. It also said that a number of EU nationals who attended training in Pakistan were later involved in terrorist offences in the EU. According to the report, "Afghan Taliban and pro-Taliban groups in Pakistan have links to the increasingly active core-structure of Al Qaeda that is currently based in the Pashtun tribal areas in western Pakistan. There it is believed to have reorganised and rebuilt its capabilities as well as its command and control functions." The report notes that "over the past five years much of the command, control and inspiration for planning attacks came from Al Qaeda’s remaining core leadership in the tribal areas of Pakistan." According to the report, a majority of the arrested suspects in the foiled attacks in Germany and Denmark had received some form of training in Pakistan. Dawn, April 29, 2008.

Baitullah Mehsud temporarily suspends peace talks with Government: Baitullah Mehsud, chief of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), has temporarily suspended talks with the Government over the Army’s refusal to withdraw from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), his spokesman announced on April 28, 2008. However, the cease-fire announced by Mehsud on April 23 would continue, spokesman Maulana Umar added. The truce was declared after officials announced that a peace agreement had been drafted, which included the withdrawal of Government soldiers from some border areas, as well as the exchange of captives on both sides and a pledge not to launch attacks, AFP reported. "TTP chief Baitullah Mehsud ordered the cancellation of negotiations with the Government through a tribal jirga [council]," Umar told reporters. He said that Mehsud had taken the decision after learning of the continued presence of troops in FATA. "Some hidden hands are not sincere in (the) deal with the Taliban and there are elements that do not want peace," Umar quoted Mehsud as saying. He said the negotiating team had been ‘disappointed’ by the Government’s inaction, and further, that the Taliban would resume dialogue if their demands were accepted, warning that the militants would "take revenge" if the Government launched any military operation. Daily Times, April 29, 2008.

[Source: South Asian Intelligence Review]