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The
Assault on Reason by Al Gore
Al
Gore, the former U.S. vice-president, released his book, The Assault on
Reason, and has turned his attention to saving the American political
system, which describes U.S. politics as a rigged game that suppresses
honesty and rewards deception.
In
The Assault on Reason, Gore looks at public attitudes, including the
dismissal of climate change, the still-widespread belief that there was a
link between the 9/11 attacks and Iraq and acceptance of human rights
abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo.
“It’s
about that there are cracks in the foundation of American democracy that
have to be fixed,” Gore said in an interview with Diane Sawyer on Good
Morning America.
Gore
said the thrust of the book is to explain “why logic and reason and the
best evidence available and the scientific discoveries do not have more
force in changing the way we all think.”
He
blames the media for being controlled by a few powerful interests, of
television for covering trivial excess and of politicians for alienating
the public.
“It
is too easy and too partisan to simply place the blame on the policies of
President George W. Bush,” Gore writes in The Assault on Reason.
“We
are all responsible for the decisions our country makes. We have a
Congress. We have an independent judiciary. We have checks and balances.
We are a nation of laws. We have free speech. We have a free press. Why
have they all failed us?”
American
democracy “is in danger of being hollowed out,” he said in an
interview with Time. He also calls on Americans to become more engaged in
public discourse.
Book
Excerpts
Not
long before our nation launched the invasion of Iraq, our longest-serving
Senator, Robert Byrd of West Virginia, stood on the Senate floor and said:
“This chamber is, for the most part, silent—ominously, dreadfully
silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to lay out for the
nation the pros and cons of this particular war. There is nothing. We
stand passively mute in the United States Senate.”
Why
was the Senate silent?
In
describing the empty chamber the way he did, Byrd invited a specific
version of the same general question millions of us have been asking:
“Why do reason, logic and truth seem to play a sharply diminished role
in the way America now makes important decisions?” The persistent and
sustained reliance on falsehoods as the basis of policy, even in the face
of massive and well-understood evidence to the contrary, seems to many
Americans to have reached levels that were previously unimaginable.
A
large and growing number of Americans are asking out loud: “What has
happened to our country?” People are trying to figure out what has gone
wrong in our democracy, and how we can fix it.
To
take another example, for the first time in American history, the
Executive Branch of our government has not only condoned but actively
promoted the treatment of captives in wartime that clearly involves
torture, thus overturning a prohibition established by General George
Washington during the Revolutionary War.
It
is too easy—and too partisan—to simply place the blame on the policies
of President George W. Bush. We are all responsible for the decisions our
country makes. We have a Congress. We have an independent judiciary. We
have checks and balances. We are a nation of laws. We have free speech. We
have a free press. Have they all failed us? Why has America’s public
discourse become less focused and clear, less reasoned? Faith in the power
of reason—the belief that free citizens can govern themselves wisely and
fairly by resorting to logical debate on the basis of the best evidence
available, instead of raw power—remains the central premise of American
democracy. This premise is now under assault.
American
democracy is now in danger—not from any one set of ideas, but from
unprecedented changes in the environment within which ideas either live
and spread, or wither and die. I do not mean the physical environment; I
mean what is called the public sphere, or the marketplace of ideas.
Our
Founders’ faith in the viability of representative democracy rested on
their trust in the wisdom of a well-informed citizenry, their ingenious
design for checks and balances, and their belief that the rule of reason
is the natural sovereign of a free people. The Founders took great care to
protect the openness of the marketplace of ideas so that knowledge could
flow freely. Thus they not only protected freedom of assembly, they made a
special point—in the First Amendment—of protecting the freedom of the
printing press. And yet today, almost 45 years have passed since the
majority of Americans received their news and information from the printed
word. Newspapers are hemorrhaging readers. Reading itself is in decline.
The Republic of Letters has been invaded and occupied by the empire of
television…
The
potential for manipulating mass opinions and feelings initially discovered
by commercial advertisers is now being even more aggressively exploited by
a new generation of media Machiavellis. The combination of ever more
sophisticated public opinion sampling techniques and the increasing use of
powerful computers to parse and subdivide the American people according to
“psychographic” categories that identify their susceptibility to
individually tailored appeals has further magnified the power of
propagandistic electronic messaging that has created a harsh new reality
for the functioning of our democracy.
As
a result, our democracy is in danger of being hollowed out. In order to
reclaim our birthright, we Americans must resolve to repair the systemic
decay of the public forum. We must create new ways to engage in a genuine
and not manipulative conversation about our future. We must stop
tolerating the rejection and distortion of science. We must insist on an
end to the cynical use of pseudo-studies known to be false for the purpose
of intentionally clouding the public’s ability to discern the truth.
Americans in both parties should insist on the re-establishment of respect
for the rule of reason…
As
a young lawyer giving his first significant public speech at the age of
28, Abraham Lincoln warned that a persistent period of dysfunction and
unresponsiveness by government could alienate the American people and that
“the strongest bulwark of any government, and particularly of those
constituted like ours, may effectively be broken down and destroyed—I
mean the attachment of the people.” Many Americans now feel that our
government is unresponsive and that no one in power listens to or cares
what they think. They feel disconnected from democracy. They feel that one
vote makes no difference, and that they, as individuals, have no practical
means of participating in America’s self-government. Unfortunately, they
are not entirely wrong. Voters are often viewed mainly as targets for easy
manipulation by those seeking their “consent” to exercise power. By
using focus groups and elaborate polling techniques, those who design
these messages are able to derive the only information they’re
interested in receiving from citizens—feedback useful in fine-tuning
their efforts at manipulation. Over time, the lack of authenticity becomes
obvious and takes its toll in the form of cynicism and alienation. And the
more Americans disconnect from the democratic process, the less legitimate
it becomes.
Many
young Americans now seem to feel that the jury is out on whether American
democracy actually works or not. We have created a wealthy society with
tens of millions of talented, resourceful individuals who play virtually
no role whatsoever as citizens. Bringing these people in—with their
networks of influence, their knowledge, and their resources—is the key
to creating the capacity for shared intelligence that we need to solve our
problems.
Unfortunately,
the legacy of the 20th century’s ideologically driven
bloodbaths has included a new cynicism about reason itself—because
reason was so easily used by propagandists to disguise their impulse to
power by cloaking it in clever and seductive intellectual formulations.
When people don’t have an opportunity to interact on equal terms and
test the validity of what they’re being “taught” in the light of
their own experience and robust, shared dialogue, they naturally begin to
resist the assumption that the experts know best…
The
democratization of knowledge by the print medium brought the
Enlightenment. Now, broadband interconnection is supporting decentralized
processes that reinvigorate democracy. We can see it happening before our
eyes: As a society, we are getting smarter. Networked democracy is taking
hold. You can feel it. We the people—as Lincoln put it, “even we
here”—are collectively still the key to the survival of America’s
democracy.
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